National Catholic Bioethics Center
 

WASHINGTON INSIDER
Summer 2007


 

 

William L. Saunders, Jr.
Director and Senior Fellow
Center for Human Life and Bioethics
Family Research Council
Washington, D.C.

National Developments


 
Bill to Overturn Stem Cell Funding Restrictions
 
       In my last column, I reported on President Bush’s first veto—it was in July 2006, and it was of a Congressional bill (the “Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act”) to override restrictions of federal funding of human embryonic stem cell research. (As readers will recall, the President announced in August 2001 that no federal funding would be available for embryonic stem cell research where the stem cells had been derived through the destruction of a human embryo after the date of the President’s announcement.)
 
       As readers know, the Democratic Party won overwhelmingly in the fall elections, and became the majority party in the U.S. Congress, in both houses. Their leadership announced that one of its priorities was promoting human embryonic stem cell research. Accordingly, the bill was reintroduced on January 5 in the House of Representatives as the “Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2007.” It was sponsored by the original co-sponsors, Diana DeGette (D-CO) and Mike Castle (R-DE), plus 216 additional co-sponsors. The bill passed by a 253 to 174 vote on January 11.
 
       The bill provides that human embryonic stem cell research is eligible for federal funding if the embryos (1) were donated from IVF clinics, (2) were created for purposes of fertility treatment, (3) were in excess of “clinical need,” and (4) will “never be implanted” and “would be discarded,” and (5) were donated after “informed consent” and without any “inducements.” In short, human embryonic stem cell research utilizing stem cells from embryos from IVF clinics would, under these conditions, be eligible for federal funding, which would be a repudiation of the limits imposed by President Bush.
 
       As this column goes to press, the Senate version, S. 5, came up for a vote. It had been modified from the House version—adding language from a bill from the last Congress sponsored by Pennsylvania senators Rick Santorum and Arlen Specter, to support research involving pluripotent stem cells that had not been derived by destroying a living human embryo. That bill had passed the Senate unanimously during the last Congress, but had not survived in the House (where it was blocked by Rep. Castle and other supporters of the original Castle/Degette bill, who preferred research to proceed using IVF embryos). The addition of that language to S. 5 was an interesting political maneuver. By doing so, those who opposed the President’s restrictions hoped to draw enough support from senators who ordinarily vote prolife to reach the necessary 67 votes to override the expected veto of S. 5 by the President.1 If the veto could not be sustained in the Senate, the public pressure on the House to override the veto would have increased greatly.
 
In the event, S. 5 passed the Senate, but did not receive 67 votes.2 It is, of course, regrettable that the Senate passed a bill that would lead to the destruction of embryonic human beings. However, the political reality is that the battle over S. 5 was all about the number who would support it. Since it received 4 votes less than needed to override a presidential veto, there is less pressure on the President not to veto it, and, more importantly, there will be less pressure on the House to override the veto (if the Senate overrode the veto, the bill’s proponents would portray the House as the “only institution standing in the way of cures for sick people”).
 
       Readers should note that during the debate, while many Catholic senators were speaking in favor of a bill that would lead to the destruction of embryonic human beings, scientific research was being published that validated claims for the most advanced, ethically sound alternative to embryonic stem cell research, i.e., adult stem cell research. An article in the April 11 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association reported success in treating juvenile diabetes using adult stem cells.3 This is politically very important, because supporters of embryo-destructive research, such as Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA), were claiming in the debate over S. 5 that adult stem cells could not treat juvenile diabetes. Further, it is significant that the researchers had to go to Brazil for funding, because the American medical establishment appears to be focused only on embryonic stem cell research.
 
       It is sad to note that many Catholic senators supported S. 5, some speaking quite vociferously in support of it, including former Democratic presidential nominee, John Kerry.4 This moral confusion was not limited, of course, to Catholics. Many supposedly “conservative” or “pro-life” senators voted in favor of S. 5, including Trent Lott (R-MS), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-TX), Lamar Alexander (R-TN), Thad Cochran (R-MS), Richard Lugar (R-IN), and Richard Burr (R-NC). So did “moderates” such as Joe Lieberman (I-CT), Evan Bayh (D-IN), and John Tester (D-MT). But it was shocking, to this observer at least, that John McCain, a presidential candidate who aspires to lead “social conservatives,” voted in favor of S. 5.5
 
       Some Catholics, however, voted against S. 5 and against taking embryonic human life, including current presidential candidate Sam Brownback (R-KS), as well as Jim Bunning (R-KY), Pete Domenici (R-NM), John Sununu (R-NH), David Vitter (R-LA), George Voinovich (R-OH), and Mel Martinez (R-FL). It is noteworthy (and praiseworthy) that the newly elected Democratic senator from Pennsylvania, Bob Casey, voted against S. 5.
 
       Forces opposing the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act in the Senate, led by Senators Johnny Isakson (R-GA) and Norm Coleman (R-MN), introduced an alternative bill, S. 30. That bill directs federal funding to alternative sources for stem cells (i.e., from sources, such as “naturally dead embryos,” which provide embryonic or embryo-like stem cells without requiring that a human embryo be destroyed).6 It was hoped that the introduction of this bill would help pro-life senators support the President’s veto of the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act (S. 5). Senators who ultimately support the President’s veto will be able, despite their opposition to S. 5, to point to their vote for S. 30 to show that they support “stem cell research.” This strategy may have worked (see above).
 
       S. 30 itself passed by a vote of 70-28.7 Unfortunately, Catholic senators Richard Durbin (D-Il), Barbara Mikulski (D-MD), Maria Cantwell (D-WA), Robert Menendez (D-NJ), and Patty Murray (D-WA) voted against it.8
 
       In a related development, on March 19, Dr. Elias Zerhouni, director of the National Institutes of Health, testified to the Senate health appropriations subcommittee (which overseas the NIH budget) that he believed the President’s restrictions on funding for human embryonic stem cell research were hurting basic research in the United States.9 This prompted those who oppose the President’s policy to push even harder for it to be overturned.10 Many observers thought it odd that the President did not immediately fire Zerhouni, who had only received pro-life support after his nomination because it was understood he would not undermine the President’s policies.
 
Other Anti-life Measures
 
       It is expected that the new Democratic congressional leadership will take a number of anti-life steps.
 
       First, the leadership will seek to overturn various pro-life “riders” that are attached, yearly, to appropriations bills.11 This includes “Hyde-Weldon.” Hyde- Weldon withholds federal funds from state and local governments that discriminate against a health-care entity that refuses to provide, pay for, or refer for abortion.12 Hyde-Weldon is expected to be a particular target.
 
       Second, the new leadership is supporting some bills that threaten freedom of conscience for Catholics and pro-life entities. For instance, on February 20, H.R. 819, the “Prevention First Act,” was introduced in the House. If passed, the bill would require all health insurance providers to provide contraceptives, and would require all hospitals to provide “emergency contraceptives.” This bill is a priority for Senate leadership, too.
 
       Third, on March 27, the ERA (or Equal Rights Amendment) was re-introduced in Congress as the “Women’s Equality Amendment.” Supporters hope that, if passed, it will ensure a “right” to an abortion even if the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade.13        Fourth, on March 8, Senators Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), Ted Kennedy (D-MA), Tom Harkin (D-IA), and Arlen Specter (R-PA) re-introduced their bill from the previous Congress as the “Human Cloning Ban and Stem Cell Research Protection Act of 2007,” S. 812. Although the bill purports to ban human cloning, it does not. Rather, it bans implantation of the cloned human being into a womb. Thus, the bill would permit research cloning (sometimes called “therapeutic cloning”), during which a human embryo is created and then destroyed in order to extract its stem cells. (This dishonesty is repeated in almost all the state-level bills that purport to ban cloning while encouraging embryonic stem cell research. See below.)
 
Alternatives to Embryo-Destructive Research
 
       In July 2006, just prior to the vote on the original Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act, Science magazine published a severe critique of claims by my colleague, David Prentice, regarding successful human trials and treatments using adult stem cells.14 The ordinary practice in scientific publishing is to allow the one whose scientific claims are being attacked to respond in the same issue. However, Science did not do this, leading to concerns that the publication of the critique had been motivated by a desire to help secure passage of the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act.        Science finally published Prentice’s response, and his defense of his claims, in January.15        Also in January, there was a media frenzy over research by Dr. Anthony Atala of Wake Forest University. Atala reported that there were stem cells in amniotic fluid that offered promising results. Although it had been known that there were plentiful adult stem cells in placentas, Atala’s study received extensive media coverage.16 The media, which seldom reports on research showing the successes of adult stem cells, seemed to find these amniotic stem cells “closer to” or “almost like” embryonic stem cells. The conclusion is odd but encouraging, as it may signal a willingness on the part of the media to report on research involving “stem cells” without its usual spin that “only embryonic stem cells hold real promise.”
 
       There is some concern that the use of amniotic stem cells could lead to greater use of amniocentesis. One concern is that the procedure can be dangerous for the fetus. Another is that greater use of the procedure will lead to more abortions (a risk heightened by the recommendation of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists for more extensive prenatal testing.)17 However, it seems that amniotic cells could be collected at birth (as are cord blood cells) without the use of amniocentesis at all, thereby obviating those concerns.
 
Banking of umbilical cord blood (with its stem cells) continues to grow, both privately and publicly.18 Cord blood banking received a big public relations and financial boost on February 1, when Richard Branson, the celebrity founder of Virgin Airlines and other ventures, announced he was founding such a bank.19 Ten U.S. states have passed laws to encourage such banking. At least a dozen more will consider such legislation this year. Private companies usually charge around $1500 to collect the cord blood, and $125 or so for yearly storage. Alternatively, parents may donate the cord blood to public banks, although there may be fees for the original collection of the cord blood.
 

State Developments


 
       As I reported in my last column, an important ballot initiative was voted upon in Missouri in the fall. Regrettably, in a very close election, which the pro- cloning forces once lead by over thirty points, the ballot initiative passed by a vote of 1,077,276 to 1,028,495. Amendment 2, or the “Stem Cell Initiative,” as it was called, claimed to ban cloning while actually anchoring the right to clone human beings in the Missouri state constitution (see discussion of S. 812 above).
 
       However, Missourians who want to truly ban human cloning have not given up. They are pursuing a variety of legislative strategies to revoke Amendment 2. 20
 
       In Iowa, the state’s five-year-old ban on human cloning and human embryonic stem cell research was revoked.21
 
       Bills seeking to ban human cloning and embryonic stem cell research are pending in many states, such as Kansas, Nebraska, and Montana.
 
William L. Saunders, Jr.
 

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